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Xi Regime Analysis in the WSJ


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In spite of it having been written by my ABSOLUTE LEAST favorite Chinese political analyst, this seems to be a pretty good analysis of the Xi regime.

 

. . . in the WSJ

 

Think China’s Xi Jinping Is In Trouble? Think Again

 

Xi Jinping didn’t come to power by accident. His rise was driven in part by a clear acknowledgment among more than a few in the Communist Party that while Xi’s predecessors — Chinese leaders Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao — knew how to manage the economy and had been skilled at ensuring stability in society, the party itself was drifting.

Fears were mounting that the party was growing disconnected from the public and that major social trends such as urban migration and environmental harm were being ignored. Party officials urging change contended that too much time was being spent on the economy and not enough on charting a vision for the country.

Adding to the growing gap between cadres and citizens was the dismay about the escalating level of political corruption. Many party members in the system recognized that graft couldn’t be killed off completely,but that the problem had gotten worse in the last decade. The rot had become so deep that, in their view, it was starting to paralyze Chinese decision-making,with a number of cadres more interested in making profits than making policy.

Instead of sticking to the status quo and hoping that economic growth would solve all problems, Xi argued for a focus on rejuvenating the Communist Party. By employing a robust anticorruption crusade to punish officials who behave badly and by promoting a catchphrase that might resonate with both cadres and citizens – the “China Dream” — Xi was out to defy the established orthodoxy in Chinese politics that leaders are supposed to build on what came before.

. . .

 

And while the anticorruption drive continues to encounter challenges, it’s apparent that Beijing believes that public support for the campaign remains deep.

Of course, Xi is facing resistance. It would be astonishing if he weren’t, given the scale of his agenda. Yet while some may view individuals engaged in defiance of Beijing as representing a nascent movement, solitary outbreaks of anger at Xi and his policies do not an organized political opposition make.

Unless such opposition appears, Xi’s real challenge will be whether the agenda he’s promoting will actually change China in the ways he and his political allies want.

 

Russell Leigh Moses has been an academic teaching Chinese politics for more than 20 years, for most of that time in China. He has been a columnist for China Real Time Since 2010.

 

 

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Yet while some may view individuals engaged in defiance of Beijing as representing a nascent movement, solitary outbreaks of anger at Xi and his policies do not an organized political opposition make.

 

 

I don't think that sentiment has him sleeping any more easily at night .....

 

I think if he is trying to steer the ("drifting") party back to 1963 then this will be the last gasp. Should probably stop throwing money around the globe trying to gain influence ... spend it at home trying to build the middle class and independent financial institutions. Enforce laws equitably. Might work here, too.

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. . . and the SCMP

 

China’s President Xi steps out with a new military title – and the uniform to match

 

http://cdn3.i-scmp.com/sites/default/files/styles/980x660/public/images/methode/2016/04/21/8af6cd64-06ef-11e6-99cd-3469e7fd8aa2_1280x720.JPG?itok=XZmyL21U

 

Analysts said the move showed Xi had built up a level of personal authority over troops on par with late leaders such as Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. Xi said the new command should be “absolutely loyal, resourceful in fighting, efficient in commanding, and courageous and capable of winning wars”, China Central Television reported.

It was the first time state media disclosed his new title, which he adds to his other three key ones – general secretary of the Communist Party of China, president, and chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC).

. . .

Mao and Deng had enough personal authority they could order other regional military commanders to follow their orders, he said. However, Xi’s two predecessors Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao ran into problems when dealing with military heavyweights, with Hu being isolated by his two deputies Guo Boxiong and Xu Caihou. Guo is facing trial on corruption charges, while Xu died last year.

 

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